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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">managementranepa</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Управленческое консультирование</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Administrative Consulting</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1726-1139</issn><issn pub-type="epub">1816-8590</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration. North-West Institute of Management.</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22394/1726-1139-2022-10-12-27</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">managementranepa-2095</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ПОЛИТИКА И ПРАВОВОЕ ГОСУДАРСТВО</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>POLICY AND CONSTITUTIONAL STATE</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Влияние системы социального кредита в Китае на политическую коммуникацию</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Impact of the Social Credit System in China on Political Communication</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Антончева</surname><given-names>О. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Antoncheva</surname><given-names>O. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p> Антончева Ольга Алексеевна, доцент кафедры государственного и муниципального управления, кандидат политических наук, доцент </p><p>Санкт-Петербург</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Olga A. Antoncheva, Associate Professor, PhD in Political Science, Associate Professor</p><p>St. Petersburg</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">antoncheva-oa@ranepa.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Апанасенко</surname><given-names>Т. Е.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Apanasenko</surname><given-names>T. E.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Апанасенко Татьяна Евгеньевна, независимый исследователь, кандидат политических наук</p><p>Санкт-Петербург</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>tatiana E. Apanasenko, Independent researcher, PhD in Political Science</p><p>St. Petersburg</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">apanassenko2008@mail.ru</email></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Российская академия народного хозяйства и государственной службы при Президенте Российской Федерации (Северо-Западный институт управления РАНХиГС)</institution></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (North-West Institute of Management of RANEPA)</institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2022</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>05</day><month>12</month><year>2022</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>10</issue><fpage>12</fpage><lpage>27</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Антончева О.А., Апанасенко Т.Е., 2022</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2022</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Антончева О.А., Апанасенко Т.Е.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Antoncheva O.A., Apanasenko T.E.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.acjournal.ru/jour/article/view/2095">https://www.acjournal.ru/jour/article/view/2095</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье оценивается система социального кредита, созданная в КНР в 2014 г. и вошедшая в широкое употребление приблизительно с 2016 г.</p><p>Рассматривается оценка со стороны населения; оценка, выражающаяся в биржевых индикаторах; оценка со стороны ученого сообщества, пытающегося осмыслить систему социального кредита в терминах парадигмы авторитарного государственного управления.</p><p>Результаты рассмотрения биржевых индикаторов показывают, что на показатели делового климата, такие как индекс делового доверия (BCI) или индекс деловой активности (PMI), введение системы социального кредита влияния не оказало. Между тем, как было заявлено при ее создании, ради показателей делового климата система социального кредита и вводилась: эта система была призвана предотвратить недобросовестное поведение фирм. Таким образом, декларированная цель введения системы социального кредита достигнута не была.</p><p>Представляется логичным задаться вопросом, не имелось ли отличной от декларированной цели введения социального кредита, цели усилить тенденцию авторитарного государственного управления.</p><p>Точечные исследования оценки населением системы социального кредита показали высокий уровень одобрения социального кредита гражданами.</p><p>Западная либеральная мысль с ее культом индивидуализма видит следующие последствия введения системы социального кредита: нарушение прав человека, несоблюдение принципа социальной справедливости, нарушение принципа неприкосновенности частной жизни, нарушение принципа равенства прав, развитие тоталитарных и авторитарных тенденций.</p><p>Предполагается, что некоторые выводы, основанные на данном подходе, могут быть поставлены под сомнение из-за несовпадения ценностей: к китайскому обществу, идеология которого основывается на коллективистских ценностях, слабо применимы категории оценки, основанные на ценностях крайнего индивидуализма.</p><p>В связи с этим к оценке системы социального кредита применяется принципиально иной подход: признаки авторитаризма постулируются как наличие неравных возможностей символического конструирования реальности; система социального кредита проверяется на наличие таких возможностей в рамках теории массовой коммуникации.</p><p>Делается вывод, что китайская система социального кредита, применяемая для контроля за контентом интернет-сайтов, способствует формированию асимметричной политической коммуникации, что оказывает негативное влияние на демократическое устройство политической системы и качество человека.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The social credit system, created in the PRC in 2014 and which has been in widespread use since approximately 2016, is being evaluated.</p><p>The assessment by the population is being considered. An estimate expressed in market indicators is given. Assessment by a learned community trying to comprehend the social credit system in terms of the paradigm of authoritarian government analyzed.</p><p>The results of the consideration of market indicators show that the introduction of the social credit system did not have an impact on business climate indicators such as BCI or PMI.</p><p>Meanwhile, for the sake of business climate indicators, the social credit system was introduced, as was stated when it was created: this system was designed to prevent unscrupulous behavior of frms. Thus, the declared goal of introducing a social credit system was not achieved.</p><p>It seems logical to wonder if there was a diﬀerent goal from the declared goal of introducing social credit, the goal of strengthening the tendency of authoritarian government.</p><p>At the same time, point studies of the assessment of the social credit system by the population showed a high level of approval of social credit by citizens.</p><p>Western liberal thought with its cult of individualism sees the following consequences of the introduction of a social credit system: violation of human rights, non-observance of the principle of social justice, violation of the principle of privacy, violation of the principle of equality of rights, development of totalitarian and authoritarian tendencies.</p><p>It is assumed that some conclusions based on this approach may be called into question due to a mismatch of values: it is proved that assessment categories based on the values of extreme individualism are poorly applied to Chinese society, whose ideology is based on collectivist values.</p><p>In this regard, a fundamentally diﬀerent approach is applied to assessing the social credit system: signs of authoritarianism are postulated as the presence of unequal opportunities for symbolic construction of reality; the social credit system is tested for such capabilities within the theory of mass communication.</p><p>The social credit system used to control the content of Internet sites will have an extremely negative impact on political communication, making it more asymmetric, on the democratic structure of the political system and human quality.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>деловой климат</kwd><kwd>деловое доверие</kwd><kwd>деловая активность</kwd><kwd>контроль</kwd><kwd>коллективизм</kwd><kwd>индивидуализм</kwd><kwd>реципиент информации</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>business climate</kwd><kwd>business confdence</kwd><kwd>business activity</kwd><kwd>control</kwd><kwd>collectivism</kwd><kwd>individualism</kwd><kwd>recipient of information</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Адамьянц Т. 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