Economic and managerial practices of the Russian Empire and the USSR are a set of approaches that are updated in the current economic and political conditions. Industrial policy and import substitution are a set of measures that have already been repeatedly applied in Russian and Soviet history. The classic liberal model of the modern Russian economy provides for the limited use of such tools. This is due to the fact that there are no relevant management structures.

This paper is devoted to the causes, manifestations, circumstances, results and global consequences of US-China trade war in 2018–2021. Based on the analysis of management decisions, expert assessments, statistics and opinion polls, the author makes judgments and assumptions about the continuity of US policy, provoking and aggravating conflict relations between the two countries, as well as contributing to their penetration into all spheres of politics, economy, culture and even sports. At the same time, consistent and adequate measures on the part of the People’s Republic of China, which have a predominantly defensive orientation, are taken into account. At the same time, the anti-Chinese trade, investment, and technology policy, which was already carried out under Donald Trump in the name of ensuring the national security of the United States, and under Joe Biden actually turned into a hybrid cold war, is interpreted in the context of causal relationships characterizing the crisis of the neoliberal model of capitalism and the intentions of the world elite to restart the Bretton Woods system by switching to “green” energy. The most important resource of the transformation that has begun is the ideology of justifying any sanctions and other strong-willed decisions of the “democratic” Western states led by the United States against the “authoritarian” losers of the energy transition. Consequently, the “trade war” of the USA and China, objectively acting as an instrument of disorganization of the global world and a powerful limiter of globalization based on “market fundamentalism”, becomes the demiurge of the new globalization projected on the platform of “ideological fundamentalism”. In the situation of a multipolar world and the intensified rivalry of nuclear powers, restarting the world economy through a global war seems impossible. On the contrary, the mechanism of collecting a “green” contribution in favor of potential beneficiaries of the new globalization has not yet been tested. Within this perspective, the US-China trade war becomes not only an existential concern of the US and its allies, but also a problem of China’s survival. Obviously, this circumstance explains the emerging rapprochement between the PRC and the Russian Federation in the direction of pooling resources and forming a military-political alliance.

The article analyzes the institutional and technological features of the calculus (representation) and predictive assessment of the balance of labor resources for regional economic systems.

The review is carried out in the general context of the particular tasks of developing egional strategies: goal-setting, analysis and forecasting.

The theoretical and practical experience of the laboratory of mathematical methods of data analysis of IPRE RAS and St. Petersburg EMI RAS (until 2018) in the framework of the direction “Economic and mathematical methods for state regulation of socially oriented economies at the regional level within the framework of innovative development models” is presented.

The housing sector is the most important area of society’s development, in which housing needs are met. The article presents the results of a study of the state housing policy in the modern large city of St. Petersburg.

The paper presents the results of a study of the state housing policy in the modern large city of St. Petersburg. The article identifies the most significant trends in the transformation of the housing sector of the Russian Federation, shows the inconsistency of the processes of their implementation. The necessity of taking into account the positive experience of minimizing social inequality in the housing sector is substantiated. Attention is drawn to the existence of contradictions in the priorities of the State Program ≪Providing citizens of the Russian Federation with affordable and comfortable housing≫, which results in the restriction of the right of citizens to meet their housing needs.

It seems that the analysis of contradictory trends in the development of the housing sector, which is the purpose of the presented work, will be a definite contribution to the study of the modern housing sector in Russia, as well as the development of practical recommendations aimed at improving the state housing policy and its implementation.

The Common customs tariff of the Eurasian Economic Union (CCT EAEU) were formulated, which are subject to study, development and improvement. In particular, the author comes to the conclusion that the Decision of the EEC Council N 54, which introduced the EAEU customs tariff, in fact has the structure of a “simple” customs tariff with basic autonomous rates, i. e. in fact, it does not reflect the actual state of the EAEU legislation with the current complex system of preferences. Customs and tariff regulation of the EAEU is not only “import customs duties, but also tariff benefits, tariff quotas”, a system of preferences, but also a methodology for coding goods, ensuring the effectiveness of the measures applied. The analysis of the web resources of the FCS of Russia and the EEC EAEU allows us to conclude that there is insufficient information provided for practical work with the customs tariff and tariff preferences; there are no instructions or clarifications on how to work with the tariff; there are no actual translations of solutions for codes and other reference books available in the arsenal of the World Customs Organization, incl. there is no information about the upcoming changes in the edition of the HS 2022, which does not allow customs administrations and businesses to prepare in advance and rebuild processes. Any systemically important, but not regulated at the legislative level, issues only increase the burden in the subsequent administration of processes. And the lack of transparency and clarity in the measures taken does not allow assessing the effectiveness of using the tools of customs and tariff regulation, and as a result, they question the advisability of complicating the system of measures as a whole. To develop the CCT methodology, the EAEU should study and borrow best practices in the field of customs and tariff regulation. Move towards creating in the EAEU not only an initial regulatory document reflecting the actual complex multicolumn tariff, but also its electronic analogue, which can be an important and backbone reference tool, both for the work of business communities and for legislative and executive authorities at all levels administrations of the EAEU.

In the article the author summarizes main stage of the blogosphere developing and its transformation from ordinary “network diaries” into brand-new social media. In pre-institutional period it was ordinary users, who mainly utilize. For them, blogs became convenient channel for establishing and maintaining interpersonal communication. In institutional period, journalists are beginning to exploited blogs as an efficient platform to spread relevant socially significant information for wider audience. The author identifies the main ways and methods of utilize blogs in journalists’ professional activities.

The article proposes a new approach to public administration and social structure using the neuroscientific method of social neurosciences. The global growth of social conflicts, suicides, violence and neuropsychic disorders confirms the failure of existing social systems and state management. The results of research in social neurosciences show the fallacy of many theoretical propositions on the basis of which the practice of state management is built. The advantage of the neuroscientific method of social neurosciences is that it provides an empirical test of theoretical propositions; is human-oriented, as it studies the neurobiological response of a person in different areas of social life; shows the true attitude of a person to the situation before his conscious control; demonstrates how the social structure affects the brain, the neuropsychic state of a person, behavior and health in general. There is a need to revise public administration, and this will require a special programme of research on the relationship between the patterns of thinking, the neurobiological response of the brain and social problems, which will help to determine the parameters of the organization of society in which the human brain and mind will function optimally. Maintaining a healthy brain and developing people’s mental abilities is the main task of public administration, because it is the intellectual ability of the population that the state’s success in all areas depends on.

The Stalinist industrial modernization of the USSR, which began in the 1930s, was carried out on the basis of imported technological resources. The transition from the use of foreign equipment to the mass production of domestic analogs of equipment took place gradually, overcoming the difficulties of the post-war period. As a result of the modernization of the energy industry of Leningrad at the turn of the 1940s-1950s a base of import-substituting production of all-Union significance was created. The article analyzes the main problems and features of the state energy policy in the period 1940–1980s, assesses the impact of industrial management reform on the development of the energy industry in the late 1950s, the author notes the specific role of leading party bodies in this process.

The history of the Russian presence in Palestine has received a worthy coverage in the literature. In recent years, there has been an active surge of interest in this topic. At the same time, some aspects of the relationship between the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission and the Consulate in Jerusalem remain insufficiently studied. The article analyzes the three most acute conflict situations that took place in the history of the Second, Third and Fourth Missions in Jerusalem: under Bishop Kirill (Naumov) in 1857–1862, Archimandrite Leonid (Kavelin) in 1864–1865 and under Archimandrite Antonin (Kapustin) in 1879–1881. The corpus of published documents from the funds of the Foreign Policy Archive and other archives makes it possible to identify the positions of the conflicting parties and trace the main processes of the development of crisis situations. For the first time, documents from the funds of the Department of Manuscripts of the Russian National Library are being introduced into scientific circulation. The study of the correspondence between the consuls and the members of the Palestinian Committee who stood behind them, as well as the heads of the Russian ecclesiastical missions, revealed the hidden causes of the conflicts. Secular in nature, the Palestinian Committee became the sole steward in the construction and management of all Russian religious buildings in Palestine. At the same time, the Spiritual Mission lost all means of influencing the numerous pilgrims from Russia. The Jerusalem consulate, being the official representation of the Foreign Ministry, in fact acted as an agency of the Russian Society of Shipping and Trade. In all conflict situations, the Consulate enjoyed the support of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Holy Synod practically did not take measures to protect the mission. Two chiefs of the mission, Bishop Kirill (Naumov) and Archimandrite Leonid (Kavelin), were removed from their posts due to the intrigues of the consuls. Archimandrite Antonin (Kapustin) retained his post only by accident due to the intercession of influential nobles. All conflict situations were based on the deep distrust of secular institutions in the spiritual authorities. These manifestations of mistrust were especially vividly manifested in the Holy Land.

The purpose of the article is to evaluate the management activities of Empress Catherine II during the reign from 1762 to 1796.

Objective: to analyze the organizational activities of Catherine the Great, aimed at reforming the entire system of state and local government of Russia.

Conclusion: experience, an active life position and the results of the state building of Catherine II indicate that women can be not only guardians of the family hearth, but also successful leaders, as evidenced by the numerous positive assessments given to her by well-known and respected Russian historians and foreign statesmen.

There is talking about phenomenon of the charity in the Russian empire in the XIX century in this article. Author is considering themes of the collaboration between state and society from the point of view of trust. This approach is illustrated on the example of Sankt-Petersburg because there are developing the most successfully in the capital both departmental institutions and a private initiative in the field of philanthropy.

The article analyzes the process of changes in the sphere of state and local government during the first quarter of the XVIII century. Considering the features of the city government reform, the introduction of new institutions and procedures in the field of management, the author concludes that during this period the boundaries of trust between the tsarist/imperial authorities and persons involved in process of management were changed. As a result of a deliberate rejection of the aristocratic model of public service, a significant number of representatives of the urban and noble classes were involved in the process of management. The author used problem-chronological, historical-typological, historical-critical methods, as well as the method of content analysis. It is concluded that although many innovations of the first quarter of the XVIII century were not of a long-term nature, they served as the basis for subsequent transformations of the second half of the XVIII century.

This article is devoted to the environmental agenda of the national party Alternative for Germany. The main features of this agenda’s development are being analyzed through its federal and European election programmes from 2013 to 2021. First of all, the author defines the specifics of the party’s evolution outside the environmental context to demonstrate the gradual enlargement of the spheres of party interests and the transition from an exclusively economically oriented liberal conservative Eurosceptic course to far-right and populist, anti-immigration and Islamophobic tendencies. Then the article illustrates the important role of the common European environmental context, where actions to combat climate change are getting more prioritized. This is reflected in the new course for the Alternative for Germany, aimed at denying the advisability of climate measures in Germany and the European Union. The latter has leadership ambitions in the global political arena in the fight against climate change and the high popularity of this environmental topic is among voters. It’s the reason why climate change was coming to the fore in the party’s populist rhetoric. At the same time, the author questions the possibility of near-term environmental and, above all, climate or even anti-climate coordination between the Alternative for Germany and ideologically similar partner parties in the Identity and Democracy group of the European Parliament.